Organizer: May-yi Shaw, Harvard University
Chair: Katsumi Nakao, J.F. Oberlin University
Japanese
history textbook controversies and visits to the Yasukuni Shrine made
by the former Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi have
periodically raised tensions between Japan and its East Asian
neighbors. In May, 2008, the release of a documentary titled Yasukuni
once again evoked a new round of rightwing protests, government
officials' condemnation, and theater boycotts within domestic Japan.
This point to an alarming reality that the issue of war responsibility
continues to drive divided opinions in contemporary East Asia not only
within the political realm but also deep among the arts circles and the
general public.
This panel
seeks to approach the subject of war responsibility beyond that of the
Japan government's by drawing attention to role of the “people” - both
the colonizer and the colonized in a transwar context. Kirsten Ziomek
sets the stage by examining the naichi kankô policy in Colonial
Taiwan and reveals the Taiwanese Aborigines' proactive adherence to the
policy. Benjamin Uchiyama continues by looking at how battlefront
violence was marketed as humor and wonder at home by the Japanese mass
media during the 1930s and raises questions about the diffused nature
of war responsibility. Carrying on, Yi-Chieh Lin presents the
testimonies of Taiwanese comfort women and discusses their silenced
position before the 1990s and their increasing vocalization thereafter.
Finally, May-yi Shaw concludes by reviewing the recent debates arising
from the screening of Yasukuni and Ashita e no yuigon
and examining several museum exhibitions in Japan on World War II
history and memories to reveal the cacophonous views of the current
Japanese public regarding war responsibility.
1) Kirsten Ziomek, University of California, Santa Barbara
Tours to the Metropolis
In this paper, I will examine naichi kankô
(tours to the metropolis), a Japanese colonial policy in which
Taiwanese Aborigines were taken on tours to witness Japan's advanced
culture and development. The policy was created under the goal of
raising a new class of people, who upon their return would take the
lead in developing the Aborigine settlements in Taiwan as facilitators
of Japanese colonial rule. The tours began in 1897 and continued until
the 1940s. While initially financially supported by the government,
they were later funded by the Aborigines and thus touted a success by
the colonial government. In examining this policy, I will discuss what
propelled the Aborigines to self-fund themselves for the tours. I will
also examine how power relations shifted in Aboriginal communities as a
result of this policy, granting the participants economic advantages
such as control of trade goods and prestige goods, and providing the
Japanese new ways to coerce the Aborigines through embargoes and
threats of force.
Through the study of colonial policies like naichi kankô,
I argue that approaching the reactions of the colonial Aborigines as a
collaboration-resistance dichotomy does not fully explain the success
or failure of colonial policies. Furthermore, such policies reveal that
power relations during the colonial period were not fixed, thus
allowing us to challenge the previous assumptions about Japan being an
omnipotent colonial power and when discussing the issue of war
responsibility.
2)
Benjamin Uchiyama, University of Southern California
“Enjoying the Thrills
of Modern Warfare”: Japanese Media Coverage of Shanghai Street
Fighting, Hundred Man Killing Contests, and the Fall of Nanjing, 1937 -
1938
War
responsibility in Japan must also consider the global context of total
war in the early twentieth century, when all the major belligerent
powers committed mass, industrialized violence. Total war heralded not
only the expansion of state power but also the increasing
sophistication of the mass media. What was the role of technological
and media innovations in marketing violence to the public? What does
this say about mobilizing for total war in the age of mass culture and
mass media? This paper will examine Japanese media coverage of the
Shanghai-Nanjing campaign during the fall and winter of 1937 and argue
that the war fever leading up to the Nanjing Massacre unleashed
subversive energies in the culture industries despite the government's
press controls and “spiritual mobilization” campaign. For several
months after fighting expanded into Shanghai in August 1937, the mass
media promoted a riotous atmosphere in the home front by articulating a
sense of wonder, “humor” (yūmoa), and “thrills”(suriru) over “Shanghai
street fighting” (Shanhai shigaisen), hundred man killing contests, and
the fall of Nanjing. Such behavior disturbed government officials, who
urged the culture industries to be more serious and patriotic in time
of war and cease their “raucous carnival” (omatsuri sawagi). Addressing
the connections between imperialism and mass culture in the age of
total war will help us move away from ahistorical cultural stereotypes
and approach the war responsibility debate with a deeper awareness of
the historical and modern context of mass violence.
3) Yi-Chieh Lin, Harvard University
The Comfort Women in Taiwan and Their War Memories
In this paper, I first summarize the testimonies of sixty-four Taiwanese comfort women from the 1990s to the early 21st century and argue that the Japanese government was directly involved in the mobilization of comfort women in Taiwan. The signing of the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty in 1952 explained why the Nationalist government of the Republic of China failed to file for indemnification for the comfort women or preserve necessary documents during its postwar rule in Taiwan. Cultural reasons such as the emphasis of virginity in Chinese society also accounted for the silence of these women until the late 1990s.
In the second
part of the paper, I examine the recent efforts made by the Taiwanese
comfort women to vocalize their experience and the oppositions met, in
particularly the works by the Japanese right-wing manga columnist, Kobayashi Yoshinori, and the debates surrounding his publication of
Taiwan Discourse (Taiwanron)
in 2001. In the same year, the Taiwanese comfort women filed a lawsuit
against the Japanese government in the Tokyo District Court but lost
their case. Thereafter, they had appealed to the High Court but lost
again in 2005. As visits made to the Yasukuni Shine were resumed by the
former Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, it is crucial to
reassess the issue of war responsibility by paying greater attention to
the role of the minority, namely that of the former colonial subjects'
and the women's, in the reconstructing of historical memory.
4) May-yi Shaw, Harvard University
In the Name of Peace: Wartime History Reapproached and Memories
Reappropriated in Contemporary Japanese Films and Peace Museums
This paper
attempts to examine the contemporary public discussions in Japan on the
subject of war responsibility by examining recent two films on the
topic of war crime and Yasukuni controversy. It also aims to analyze a
number of public exhibitions of war history and memories in the
so-called “peace museums” in the Tokyo Metropolitan area.
At the premiere screening of Ashita e no yuigon
(Best Wishes for Tomorrow) at the Tokyo International Film Festival in
October 2007, a full theater of audience shed tears for Lieutenant
General Tasuku Okada, tried at the Yokohama War Crime Trials and
executed as a Class-B war criminal in 1948. Six months later in spring
2008, on the other hand, the debut screening of Yasukuni in
Japan, a documentary on the controversial Shinto shrine, met fierce
protests from the rightwing activists and last-minute boycotts from
theaters across the country. Meanwhile, the content and artistic
arrangement of a number of museum exhibitions in Tokyo - the Showa Kan,
the Heiwa Kinen Tenji Shiryo Kan, and the Yushukan managed by the
Yasukuni Shrine - reveal a wide spectrum of attitudes towards Japan's
involvement in the Second World War. How history of war is presented
and how memories of war - especially those of the past military
personnel, the families of the deceased, and the regular citizens who
suffered greatly both at home and abroad - are recalled or
reappropriated for specific political purposes and appeals are examined
to reveal how divided the current public views on the subject of
Japan's war responsibility remain.
Discussant: Katsumi Nakao, J.F. Oberlin University